Jimmy Carter and Kim Jong-Un Look Ahead in the New Year
The former US president’s op-ed focused on “repair(ing) the US-China relationship – and prevent(ing)” a Sino/US cold war.
North Korean leader Kim’s address expressed willingness and patience to work cooperatively with Washington toward denuclearization – provided its promises are genuine, not empty, reciprocation following good faith Pyongyang actions, not forthcoming so far, nor expected from Trump regime hardliners ahead.
They’re all take and no give, the way the US always operates, seeking dominance over all other nations, demanding they serve US interests.
Kim earlier said one-sided Trump regime demands may undermine stepping back from the brink on the peninsula – refusing to formally end the 1950s war, unwilling to ease unacceptable sanctions, threatening new ones, showing bad faith instead of responsible even-handedness. More below on North Korea/US relations below.
Carter noted how he and China’s Deng Xiaoping went a long way toward improving bilateral relations. In the last 40 years, China’s spectacular economic growth surpassed Japan and Germany to become the world’s second largest economy after the US.
Bilateral relations are jeopardized today, Carter warned, saying “Chinese elites (say) Americans are conducting an ‘evil conspiracy’ to destabilize China,” adding:
“(P)rominent Americans (claim) that China poses a threat to the American way of life. US government reports declare that China is dedicated to challenging US supremacy, and that it is planning to drive the United States out of Asia and reduce its influence in other countries around the world.”
A previous article discussed China’s outreach v. America first. Beijing seeks cooperative relations with other countries, using carrots, not sticks. Washington wants other nations subordinating their sovereignty to its interests.
It wants China’s aim to become an economic, industrial and technological powerhouse undermined – the US launched trade dispute cover for the greater issue.
Republicans and undemocratic Dems consider Russia, China and Iran America’s main adversaries, the threat of US war against them ominously real.
Carter warned of a Cold War with China, adding confrontation in the South China Sea and/or Taiwan Strait “could escalate into military conflict, creating a worldwide catastrophe.”
He urged resolving differences between both sides diplomatically, “quickly and effectively,” saying “(n)either country should use ‘national security’ as an excuse to obstruct the other’s legitimate commercial activities” – a US specialty, not China’s.
Washington has no “right to dictate to China how to govern its people or choose its leaders,” said Carter – or meddle in the internal affairs of other countries, its longstanding policy, notably post-WW II.
According to the former US president, he and China’s Deng “advanc(ed) the cause of world peace.” Today it hangs by a thread because of Washington’s war on humanity, risking possible nuclear war against one or more countries.
Kim Jong-Un called last year one “of heroic struggle” against “the United States and its vassal forces” seeking to “isolate and stifle” the DPRK.
The country’s nuclear and ballistic missile capabilities are “a powerful and reliable war deterrent” against an aggressive US, he said, “preventing it from starting an adventurous war,” he believes.
Perhaps so, perhaps not. Kim is well aware of longstanding hostile US relations toward his country, its ongoing wars in multiple theaters, a nation favoring belligerence over good faith diplomatic outreach.
Bilateral relations remain unchanged following summit talks with Trump last June. US hostility toward the DPRK continues.
Time and again US policymakers breach promises made. Accepting their pledges at face value is hazardous to its allies and adversaries alike.
Trump regime hardliners have gone all out to sabotage what he and Kim agreed on in Singapore.
What’s going on is reminiscent of how US/DPRK relations unravelled earlier. Pyongyang fulfilled its obligations. The US breached what it pledged.
Hostility and betrayal defines US policy toward North Korea throughout its post-WW II history, things repeating again now.
Pyongyang seeks a formal end to the longstanding uneasy armistice following US aggression in the early 1950s, unacceptable sanctions lifted, normalized relations with the US and West, and guarantees for the nation’s security.
It wants peace on the Korean peninsula, the risk of war eliminated. US hostility and threat of more aggression is why it developed nuclear weapons and long-range ballistic missiles – for defense, not offense.
Last August, North Korea’s Foreign Minister Ri Yong-ho responded sharply to accusations against his government, accusing Washington of breaching what it agreed to in Singapore, stressing:
Kim Jong-un showed good faith by initiating “a moratorium on nuclear tests and rocket launch tests, as well as dismantling of a nuclear test” site.
Washington so far reciprocated with empty promises alone, Ri adding:
“(T)he United States instead of (showing good faith) is raising its voice louder for maintaining the sanctions against the DPRK, and backtrack(ing) (from pledges made in Singapore), even from declaring the end of the (1950s) war, a very basic and primary step for providing peace on the Korean Peninsula.”
Especially “alarming…is the (Trump regime taking steps) to go back to” cold war toughness on Pyongyang.
Nothing changed from then to now entering the new year. US policy toward North Korea remains hardline – demanding everything, offering nothing in return but hollow promises to be broken like many times before.
My newest book as editor and contributor is titled “Flashpoint in Ukraine: How the US Drive for Hegemony Risks WW III.”